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Table of Contents
Intro
Particles in German, English, and Beyond
Editorial page
Title page
Copyright page
Table of contents
Chapter 1. Particles: A brief synchronic, diachronic and contrastive introduction
1. Delimiting current scope
2. Particles from a synchronic point of view
3. Diachronic aspects
4. Contrasting and comparing towards explanatory building blocks
4.1 A contrasting paradigm
4.2 The contributions of this volume
References
Chapter 2. From up-toning intensifying particle to scalar focus particle: A new developmental path
1. Introduction
2. Stages of meaning change
3. The developmental path up-toning intensifying particle >
additive scalar focus particle
3.1 Structural properties of intensifying and focus particles
3.2 Semantic closeness of intensifying and scalar focus particles
3.3 Summary
4. The development of zumal, gar, and sogar in German
4.1 The particle zumal 'especially'
4.2 The particle gar 'even'
4.3 The particle sogar 'even'
5. Scalarity as a source of focus particle meaning
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
Corpora
References
Chapter 3. Do intensifiers lose their expressive force over time?: A corpus linguistic study
1. Introduction and theoretical background
2. Corpus study
3. Results
3.1 General results
3.2 Descriptive intensifier
3.3 Expressive intensifiers
3.4 Hierarchical Cluster Analysis
4. Discussion
4.1 Descriptive intensifier (n = 1)
4.2 Expressive intensifiers (n = 16)
5. Conclusions
References
Appendix
Chapter 4. The interpretation of the German additive particle auch ('too, also') in quantificational contexts
1. Introduction
2. More data &
previous theories on additives
2.1 The distribution of inclusive and exclusive readings
2.2 Previous theories on additives.
3. The proposal
3.1 The underlying principle
3.2 Consequences and predictions
4. What needs to be done
5. Conclusion
References
Chapter 5. The German modal particle ja and selected English lexical correlates in the Europarl corpus: As you know, after all, of course, in fact and indeed
1. Introduction
2. Modeling discourse management
2.1 Information Models
2.2 The Common Ground
2.3 Discourse
3. German sentences with ja and their English correlates
3.1 The function of ja
3.2 As you know
3.3 After all
3.4 Of course
3.5 In fact and indeed
3.6 Summary
4. Conclusions
References
Appendix
A: Proposition graphs
B: Information Models
C: Common Grounds
D: Discourse
Chapter 6. Syntactic change and pragmatic maintenance: The discourse particle then over the history of English
1. Background and aims
1.1 Theoretical background and major syntactic developments in the history of English
2. Discourse particle then in Old English
2.1 The syntax of particles
2.2 Preposed adverbial and conditional clauses
2.3 Interim conclusion
3. The Middle English and later periods
3.1 The data in ME, eME and LME
3.2 From Middle English to late Modern English
4. Discussion and conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Corpora
Secondary literature
Chapter 7. Final though
1. Introduction
1.1 Discourse particles in English
2. Final though
2.1 Previous research on final though
2.2 Unsolved questions
3. Concessive final though
3.1 Experiment
3.2 Final though as projective content
3.3 Final though as a trigger in corpus examples
4. Descriptive generalization of the uses of final though: Balancing noteworthiness
5. Common ground management (with side-effect mirativity)
6. Conclusion and outlook
References
Appendix. Experimental items.
Chapter 8. A comparative study of German auch and Italian anche: Functional convergences and structural differences
1. Introduction
2. Auch and anche as additive particle and adverb
2.1 Additive particle
2.2 Connective adverb
3. Auch/anche as modal particles
3.1 Auch as a modal particle
3.2 Anche as a modal particle
3.3 Analysis of auch/anche as a modal particle
3.4 Italian anche in concessive clauses
4. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 9. Scalarity as a meaning atom in wohl-type particles
1. Background
2. A modal particle puzzle
3. The core proposal
4. Evidence for a scalar source lexeme
5. Evidence from overlap
6. Support from dialectal variation
7. Future directions / micro-parameters
8. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 10. Modal particles in questions and wh-sensitivity: A view from French and German
1. Introduction: German
2. MPs in French wh-questions: An overview
2.1 Bien, Diable and Donc
2.2 The Small PrtP construction in French
3. Looking for a specific semantic path for Modal particles in wh-questions
3.1 „Only"
3.2 Situation in French
4. Conclusion
Abbreviations used in the glosses
References
Chapter 11. PP-internal particles in Dutch as evidence for PP-internal discourse structure
1. Introduction
2. Co-constituency of dan and PPs
3. The extended adpositional projection and dan
3.1 R-pronouns and the functional structure of PPs in Dutch
3.2 Locating non-temporal dan in the functional structure of Dutch PPs
4. Beyond non-temporal dan: Navigating the discourse
4.1 Particles as discourse partitioners: From PP particles to clause-level particles
4.2 Discourse partitioning and the figure-ground relation
4.3 Discourse navigation and temporal adjuncts.
4.4 German denn and the figure-ground relation
5. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Chapter 12. Mandarin exhaustive focus shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
1. Introduction
2. Shì semantics
3. Shì is a sentential focus particle
4. Shì requires a congruent QUD
5. On the distribution of shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
5.1 Clauses which disallow shì
5.2 Proposal
5.3 The "one shì per clause" restriction
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Chapter 13. Evidentiality and the QUD: A study of talán 'perhaps' in Hungarian declaratives and interrogatives
1. Introduction
2. Talán in falling declaratives
2.1 Previous literature on talán: Epistemic possibility and inference
2.2 Declaratives with talán in context
2.3 Towards a formal account
3. Talán and questions in Hungarian: Background
3.1 Previous work on talán in questions
3.2 Forms encoding question acts in Hungarian
4. Talán in ∧-declaratives
5. Talán in ∧-interrogatives
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Index.
Particles in German, English, and Beyond
Editorial page
Title page
Copyright page
Table of contents
Chapter 1. Particles: A brief synchronic, diachronic and contrastive introduction
1. Delimiting current scope
2. Particles from a synchronic point of view
3. Diachronic aspects
4. Contrasting and comparing towards explanatory building blocks
4.1 A contrasting paradigm
4.2 The contributions of this volume
References
Chapter 2. From up-toning intensifying particle to scalar focus particle: A new developmental path
1. Introduction
2. Stages of meaning change
3. The developmental path up-toning intensifying particle >
additive scalar focus particle
3.1 Structural properties of intensifying and focus particles
3.2 Semantic closeness of intensifying and scalar focus particles
3.3 Summary
4. The development of zumal, gar, and sogar in German
4.1 The particle zumal 'especially'
4.2 The particle gar 'even'
4.3 The particle sogar 'even'
5. Scalarity as a source of focus particle meaning
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
Corpora
References
Chapter 3. Do intensifiers lose their expressive force over time?: A corpus linguistic study
1. Introduction and theoretical background
2. Corpus study
3. Results
3.1 General results
3.2 Descriptive intensifier
3.3 Expressive intensifiers
3.4 Hierarchical Cluster Analysis
4. Discussion
4.1 Descriptive intensifier (n = 1)
4.2 Expressive intensifiers (n = 16)
5. Conclusions
References
Appendix
Chapter 4. The interpretation of the German additive particle auch ('too, also') in quantificational contexts
1. Introduction
2. More data &
previous theories on additives
2.1 The distribution of inclusive and exclusive readings
2.2 Previous theories on additives.
3. The proposal
3.1 The underlying principle
3.2 Consequences and predictions
4. What needs to be done
5. Conclusion
References
Chapter 5. The German modal particle ja and selected English lexical correlates in the Europarl corpus: As you know, after all, of course, in fact and indeed
1. Introduction
2. Modeling discourse management
2.1 Information Models
2.2 The Common Ground
2.3 Discourse
3. German sentences with ja and their English correlates
3.1 The function of ja
3.2 As you know
3.3 After all
3.4 Of course
3.5 In fact and indeed
3.6 Summary
4. Conclusions
References
Appendix
A: Proposition graphs
B: Information Models
C: Common Grounds
D: Discourse
Chapter 6. Syntactic change and pragmatic maintenance: The discourse particle then over the history of English
1. Background and aims
1.1 Theoretical background and major syntactic developments in the history of English
2. Discourse particle then in Old English
2.1 The syntax of particles
2.2 Preposed adverbial and conditional clauses
2.3 Interim conclusion
3. The Middle English and later periods
3.1 The data in ME, eME and LME
3.2 From Middle English to late Modern English
4. Discussion and conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Corpora
Secondary literature
Chapter 7. Final though
1. Introduction
1.1 Discourse particles in English
2. Final though
2.1 Previous research on final though
2.2 Unsolved questions
3. Concessive final though
3.1 Experiment
3.2 Final though as projective content
3.3 Final though as a trigger in corpus examples
4. Descriptive generalization of the uses of final though: Balancing noteworthiness
5. Common ground management (with side-effect mirativity)
6. Conclusion and outlook
References
Appendix. Experimental items.
Chapter 8. A comparative study of German auch and Italian anche: Functional convergences and structural differences
1. Introduction
2. Auch and anche as additive particle and adverb
2.1 Additive particle
2.2 Connective adverb
3. Auch/anche as modal particles
3.1 Auch as a modal particle
3.2 Anche as a modal particle
3.3 Analysis of auch/anche as a modal particle
3.4 Italian anche in concessive clauses
4. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 9. Scalarity as a meaning atom in wohl-type particles
1. Background
2. A modal particle puzzle
3. The core proposal
4. Evidence for a scalar source lexeme
5. Evidence from overlap
6. Support from dialectal variation
7. Future directions / micro-parameters
8. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 10. Modal particles in questions and wh-sensitivity: A view from French and German
1. Introduction: German
2. MPs in French wh-questions: An overview
2.1 Bien, Diable and Donc
2.2 The Small PrtP construction in French
3. Looking for a specific semantic path for Modal particles in wh-questions
3.1 „Only"
3.2 Situation in French
4. Conclusion
Abbreviations used in the glosses
References
Chapter 11. PP-internal particles in Dutch as evidence for PP-internal discourse structure
1. Introduction
2. Co-constituency of dan and PPs
3. The extended adpositional projection and dan
3.1 R-pronouns and the functional structure of PPs in Dutch
3.2 Locating non-temporal dan in the functional structure of Dutch PPs
4. Beyond non-temporal dan: Navigating the discourse
4.1 Particles as discourse partitioners: From PP particles to clause-level particles
4.2 Discourse partitioning and the figure-ground relation
4.3 Discourse navigation and temporal adjuncts.
4.4 German denn and the figure-ground relation
5. Conclusions
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Chapter 12. Mandarin exhaustive focus shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
1. Introduction
2. Shì semantics
3. Shì is a sentential focus particle
4. Shì requires a congruent QUD
5. On the distribution of shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
5.1 Clauses which disallow shì
5.2 Proposal
5.3 The "one shì per clause" restriction
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Chapter 13. Evidentiality and the QUD: A study of talán 'perhaps' in Hungarian declaratives and interrogatives
1. Introduction
2. Talán in falling declaratives
2.1 Previous literature on talán: Epistemic possibility and inference
2.2 Declaratives with talán in context
2.3 Towards a formal account
3. Talán and questions in Hungarian: Background
3.1 Previous work on talán in questions
3.2 Forms encoding question acts in Hungarian
4. Talán in ∧-declaratives
5. Talán in ∧-interrogatives
6. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Funding
References
Index.